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Saturday, April 30, 2022

Kyle Larson responds to Denny Hamlin tweet that used Asian stereotype - CBS Sports

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After poking fun at a move by Kyle Larson that put both of the cars he owns in the wall at Talladega, Denny Hamlin entered Dover on Saturday in an awkward position: In a video posted to his Twitter account, Hamlin used a Family Guy gag that portrayed a stereotype of Asian women and could easily have been construed as a shot at Larson's ethnicity, leading to him being mandated to take sensitivity training by NASCAR.

After a week of fallout for Hamlin, Larson was given the opportunity to give his perspective on the matter. Speaking to reporters at Dover, Larson stated that he was not offended by Hamlin's post, citing the friendship the two share. However, he did note that many others could have been offended by it, and believes NASCAR did what they had to do in response.

"Obviously it was just poor judgment on his part. And I think being in the position that we're in, you have to be very careful with what you put out in the public," Larson said. "I know he'll learn a lot here these next couple weeks. I think we're all just ready to move past it and get back to focused on racing.

"... No hard feelings from me. But I think after you put something out there, you realize how offensive it can be."

Hamlin posted a video splicing together Larson cutting abruptly to the outside without being clear, wrecking the 23XI Racing cars of Kurt Busch and Bubba Wallace in the process, with a cutaway gag from Family Guy in which an Asian woman declares in broken English that she is cutting across multiple lanes of traffic without using a turn signal. Larson is half-Japanese and the only Asian-American driver in the Cup Series.

Speaking for himself to reporters, Hamlin owned up to his error in judgment and respected NASCAR's discipline for him.

"Someone gave it to me and I thought it was hilarious. But it also is insensitive," Hamlin said. "I definitely understand how some people could find it offensive. And if it's one, then it's one too many."

Both Hamlin and Larson will start Sunday's race at Dover in the top five, as Hamlin qualified second and Larson third to pole winner Chris Buescher on Saturday.

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Legendary Asian American CEOs - Investopedia

It’s not easy for Asian Americans to move to the top of the corporate ladder. Research shows that this segment of the population has often been overlooked for managerial and executive positions, although that may soon be set to change thanks to the growing list of high-profile success stories.

Some of the biggest companies are run—or have been run—by Asian Americans and many of them have done a remarkable job of boosting revenues, profitability, and shareholder value. In this article, we identify the Asian American chief executive officers (CEOs) who sit or sat at the helm of the world’s largest corporations and did such a good job capitalizing on opportunities and engineering positive change that they are now considered Wall Street legends.

Key Takeaways

  • Three of the 10 biggest companies in the world are run by Asian Americans.
  • These legendary CEOs were all born in Asian countries and moved to America as immigrants before later becoming citizens.

Sundar Pichai

CEO of Google and Alphabet

Sundar Pichai is perhaps the most recognizable Asian American CEO, as he oversees one of the highest-profile businesses in the world: Google. India-born Pichai was hired by Google in 2004 to lead the development of its toolbar and now-famous internet browser, Chrome. He excelled, moved up the ranks, and 11 years later was given the top job of CEO. Since taking over the reins of the search engine company, its share price has more than quadrupled in value.

Hock Tan  

CEO of Broadcom

Malaysia-born Hock Tan is adored by Wall Street. He’s turned Broadcom, the company he became CEO of in 2006, into a computer-chip giant thanks to a series of well-executed acquisitions, the ability to extract value from niche product lines, his demanding personality, and an obsession with cutting costs.

Lisa Su

CEO of Advanced Micro Devices

Lisa Su took over as CEO of Advanced Micro Devices in 2014 when it was on the brink of bankruptcy. Under Taiwain-born Su, things soon changed. She got the company to focus on doing what it is good at; went after the computer gaming, cloud, and data-center market; dumped assets that weren’t up to scratch; tided up the balance sheet; and transformed the chipmaker into a market leader.

Eric Yuan

CEO of Zoom

Eric Yuan is the man behind Zoom, the video conferencing giant that has been on a roll since the COVID-19 pandemic hit and people were forced to stay at home. The idea came to him while taking 10-hour train trips in his native China to visit his now-wife, and it eventually made him a billionaire, at least on paper. Yuan overcame many obstacles to take his company public and in 2020 was ranked the best CEO by Comparably.

Jensen Huang

CEO of NVIDIA

Jensen Huang went from working on the graveyard shift at Denny’s to building a company that makes as much money in a day as his former employer makes in a year. In 1993, Taiwan-born Huang founded NVIDIA, a maker of graphic cards for PCs. Today, with Huang still at the helm, NVIDIA ranks as one of the biggest companies in America and the world with a market capitalization of around $500 billion.

Satya Nadella

CEO of Microsoft

Satya Nadella became CEO of Microsoft in 2014, 22 years after first joining the company. During his time as chief, he made the computer giant relevant and innovative again, steering it away from a failing mobile strategy toward cloud computing and augmented reality. India-born Nadella’s achievements and popular managerial approach have made him influential among his peers, who named him the “most underrated” CEO for six consecutive years.

Shantanu Narayen 

CEO of Adobe

When Shantanu Narayen took over as CEO of Adobe in 2007, the company behind PDFs and Photoshop was running out of steam and going stale. India-born Narayen soon changed that. Under his watch the company’s software moved from the desktop to the cloud, and its market capitalization ballooned from approximately $24 billion to around $193 billion in 2022.

Indra Nooyi

Former CEO of PepsiCo

Indra Nooyi became the first woman and immigrant to run a Fortune 500 company when she was appointed CEO of PepsiCo in 2006. In the 12 years that followed, she easily vindicated PepsiCo’s decision to offer her its top job. India-born Nooyi was behind the company’s drive to become healthier and left the food and beverage maker much better positioned to survive and flourish in the future. Her 2021 autobiography, My Life in Full: Work, Family, and Our Future, became a New York Times bestseller.

Ajay Banga

Former CEO of Mastercard

India-born Ajay Banga was handed the reins at Mastercard in 2010 after it had just gone public and was being chased down by new disruptors such as Square. He responded by unleashing a series of innovations that, coupled with an increase in consumer spending, led revenues to triple during his time at the helm.

Sanjay Mehrotra

CEO of Micron

Sanjay Mehrotra has a long-term track record of success. Since taking over as CEO of Micron in 2017, he has increased revenues, tidied up the balance sheet, and generated enough excess cash to buy back shares and start paying a quarterly dividend. Before that, India-born Mehrotra earned plaudits for turning SanDisk, the flash memory company he founded in 1988, into an industry-leading Fortune 500 company and engineering its multibillion-dollar sale to hard-disk maker Western Digital Corp.

How Many CEOs Are Asian American?

Forty Asian Americans sat at the helm of S&P 500 and Fortune 500 companies in 2021.

Which Asian American CEO Is the Highest Paid?

In 2020, the highest-paid Asian American CEO was Eric Wu, the man behind real estate startup Opendoor.

How Many Fortune 500 Companies Were Founded by Immigrants?

A lot, apparently. According to a 2019 report from New American Economy, nearly 45% of Fortune 500 companies were founded by immigrants or their children.

The Bottom Line

The CEOs mentioned above are legendary because they run, or ran, some of the world’s biggest, best-known companies and passed the test with flying colors. As managers, each of them helped to revolutionize the businesses they are in charge of running and made those investors who believed in them from the start an absolute fortune.

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Netflix’s Battle for Asian Subscribers Pits It Against Rich Rivals, Hundreds of Local Upstarts - The Wall Street Journal

In South Korea, Netflix has spent more than $1 billion on local content, including ‘Squid Game,’ the dystopian drama that became its most-watched show ever.

Photo: Netflix

When Netflix Inc. recently disclosed it had suffered its first subscriber pullback in a decade, only one region showed growth: Asia.

Home to roughly half of the world’s population, Asia is a relatively untapped market where streaming habits are still forming. It means that hundreds of millions of subscribers could still potentially be up for grabs, as growth starts to drag in the U.S., Europe and elsewhere.

But Netflix faces formidable challenges to keep expanding in countries across Asia. The world’s key streaming battleground is crowded—and altogether cheaper.

Park Sae-eun, a tech industry worker in Seoul, enjoys Netflix but spends the bulk of her time streaming South Korean shows on two different local services that offer a wider library of domestic content. If the mega hits stop coming, she would consider dropping her Netflix subscription. “Without original shows, it wouldn’t be worth using Netflix,” said Ms. Park, 27 years old. “For local shows, there are several other platforms that could become Netflix replacements.”

Winning in Asia may require bigger investments to create or license local content for cost-conscious consumers, or risk losing ground in a crowded field. Even for programming made outside the region, the bar is higher to grab attention across the Asia-Pacific, due to language or cultural differences. Most consumers want to see shows and movies in their native language, even if they enjoy foreign-produced shows.

In addition to Netflix’s deep-pocketed U.S.-based rivals, like Walt Disney Co. ’s Disney+ and Amazon.com Inc.’s Prime Video, the competition in Asia includes hundreds of local upstarts armed with more in-country offerings, with plans sold at lower prices.

There are dozens each in South Korea and Japan, 40 in Hong Kong and Taiwan and more than 70 across Southeast Asia, according to Media Partners Asia, a Singapore-based market researcher that tracks various types of on-demand video-streaming services in the region. Netflix’s cheapest plan in India, where it recently slashed prices to compete with 80 competitors, goes for about $2 a month—or triple what some homegrown options charge.

That magnifies the pressure for Netflix to keep churning out blockbusters that can justify the higher price tag, just as the company pulls back on its lavish spending. What makes Asia different is that streaming is still so relatively new that many viewers are still making up their minds, said Vivek Couto, executive director at Media Partners Asia.

Seeking to capture more viewers in Vietnam, Netflix recently began offering free access to ‘Emily in Paris’ and other popular shows to people using Android smartphones.

Photo: /Associated Press

More than three-quarters of households in matured streaming markets like the U.S. have already subscribed to a subscription video streaming service, according to Media Partners Asia. But even in wealthier parts of Asia, like South Korea and Japan, adoption is at less than half of all households, the researcher says. Roughly 10% of households use a subscription video streaming service in India and many parts of Southeast Asia, which together represent about a quarter of the world’s population.

Even so, the Asia-Pacific region is already the single largest market for on-demand video streaming subscriptions. It accounts for 43% of the world’s subscriber base as of this year, according to Ampere Analysis, a London-based research firm. That compares with 29% from North America, 16% from Europe and 8% from Central and South America. No region is projected to grow as quickly as Asia in the coming years, Ampere estimates.

The region’s numbers include China, which is stocked with domestic options and remains largely sealed off from Netflix and other foreign companies.

Netflix has about 220 million paid memberships world-wide. The 1.1 million subscribers added in the Asia-Pacific region during the first three months of the year represented the only area of quarterly growth in the company’s subscriber base after experiencing a collective pullback of some 1.3 million members everywhere else.

Only about 15% of Netflix’s overall subscribers, and about one-tenth of annual revenue, come from the Asia-Pacific region as of early this year.

That reflects how Asia’s introduction to streaming was several years behind the U.S., Europe and Latin America. Netflix entered the region in the middle of the last decade, often as the first streaming service. In many countries, people had been watching what aired on their basic cable or free network channels. Other countries lacked a robust local entertainment industry, meaning it had to wait for Netflix—or another rival—to emerge with deep libraries of high-quality content that would be worth the cost, said Mr. Couto of Media Partners of Asia.

In recent years, Netflix has learned plenty about local consumers’ preferences and continues to see opportunities for further investment, said Minyoung Kim, who oversees Netflix’s creative activities and content in the Asia-Pacific region except for India.

Netflix came ready to spend on local shows that could help build an audience in Asia. In South Korea, it has spent more than $1 billion on local content, including “Squid Game,” the dystopian drama that became its most-watched show ever. The company has also invested around $400 million on programming in India in recent years. Since last year, Netflix, seeking to boost ties across Southeast Asia, has hosted a series writing workshop for local artists, a short film workshop in Thailand and a film competition in Vietnam.

SHARE YOUR THOUGHTS

How can Netflix continue to perform well in Asia? Join the conversation below.

It is also working to develop more localized shows in Japan, recently inking its first partnership with a Japanese feature animation studio, Studio Colorido, to increase its anime offerings.

All that costs money. Netflix could increase revenues, and lower prices, by offering an ad-supported version of the service. But Netflix’s chief rivals—with no-commercial offerings and competitive pricing—are already stealing away subscribers like Yuichi Tamura, a 40-year-old engineer at a Tokyo technology company.

He signed up for Netflix as the pandemic began two years ago, drawn to the South Korean drama “Crash Landing on You.” But few other Netflix shows hooked him, so he canceled his roughly $7.70-a-month basic plan. His children, he said, are content watching anime offered on Amazon’s Prime Video, which costs roughly half the price of a basic Netflix subscription.

Some of Netflix’s U.S.-based rivals are also moving aggressively into making Asian content of their own. Disney+ wants to green light more than 50 original productions for the Asia-Pacific region by next year, the company said.

“This is just the beginning of the battle for great content,” said Luke Kang, Walt Disney’s Asia-Pacific president, in an interview late last year.

Netflix currently holds the No. 1 spot in many markets across Asia. But India, where it slashed prices by as much as 60% for some plans, is a major exception.

The top player there is Disney-owned Hotstar, which had 51 million subscribers in 2021, nearly doubling from the prior year, owing to having the streaming rights to India’s most popular cricket league, according to Media Partners Asia. Amazon was No. 2 at around 22 million subscribers. Netflix came in third at 6.1 million, a boost from 4.6 million a year earlier, the research firm said.

Both Hotstar and Amazon charge about $20 a year, which includes access to all their high-quality, 4K Ultra HD content. Netflix offers spartan mobile-only plans that are as low as $2, though their premium plans can cost as much as $10 a month.

“Everyone talks about Netflix. Everyone talks about its shows. It is expensive compared to Amazon Prime and Disney,” said Deeksha Goel, 35, who lives in the northern city of Bareilly in India’s Uttar Pradesh state.

The price wars can mean a literal race to the bottom. Netflix, for now, has Vietnam all to itself with other big foreign rivals still readying their entries. But in November, Netflix, seeking to capture more viewers, began offering free access to some of its most-popular shows—including “Money Heist” and “Emily in Paris”—to people using Android smartphones. The service didn’t feature ads or require individuals to enter any payment information.

Write to Jiyoung Sohn at jiyoung.sohn@wsj.com, Vibhuti Agarwal at vibhuti.agarwal@wsj.com and Miho Inada at miho.inada@wsj.com

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Wednesday, April 27, 2022

House lawmakers advance an effort to create a national Asian Pacific American museum - CNN

(CNN)Lawmakers have advanced an effort to create a national museum of Asian American and Pacific Islander history and culture.

The House passed a bill on Tuesday that would establish a commission to explore what it would take to create an institution celebrating the stories, heritage and achievements of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders. The commission would be made up of eight people who would be tasked with determining, among other issues, the cost of the collections the museum might house, whether it would be a part of the Smithsonian and how they might engage Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders in the process.
"Our achievements, history, and experiences are American as everybody else's, and we must recognize that the narrative of the Asian Pacific American community is woven into our greater American story," Democratic Rep. Grace Meng of New York, who sponsored the bill, said in a statement. "I am excited that we are one step closer to this bill becoming law, and one step closer to a national museum filled with our Asian Pacific American history being established."
The bill now moves to the Senate.
Advocates for Asian American and Pacific Islander communities applauded the development, which comes days before the start of AAPI Heritage Month and as Asian Americans have been experiencing a spate of violence in US cities.
"Our community is more than the tragic headlines that we have seen on a seemingly everyday basis over the last two years," Varun Nikore, executive director of the AAPI Victory Alliance, said in a statement. "We are a community full of rich history, traditions, and culture that deserves to be shared with the American people."
Gregg Orton, national director of the National Council of Asian Pacific Americans, called the news "a small victory, but a real breath of fresh air."
"This bill moves us one step closer to having our rich and diverse stories told in a way few could ever imagine," he said in a statement. "While there is plenty more to be done to ultimately realize this vision of a museum on the National Mall that centers our communities, this is a moment worth appreciating."
Even if the bill is ultimately passed by the Senate, it would likely be years before visitors can walk into a national Asian American and Pacific Islander museum. Congress approved the creation of the National Museum of African American History and Culture in 2003, but the now-storied museum didn't open to the public until 2016.
In 2020, Congress greenlit plans for two new Smithsonian museums: one focused on US Latinos, and another on US women's history.

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N.Y.C.’s Chinatown, Reeling From Anti-Asian Attacks, Fights Shelter Plan - The New York Times

Residents unsettled by recent violence worry that two new shelters, one that would open near the site of a brutal murder, will lead to more disorder.

Two new homeless shelters that the city is planning in Lower Manhattan will offer private rooms, health care and drug counseling. They will do away with curfews and many other restrictions as a way to coax homeless people off the streets.

And in a possible first, one shelter has proposed not banning drugs, recognition that homeless drug users are a constant presence in Sara D. Roosevelt Park, at the heart of the neighborhood where the shelters will open.

But the neighborhood is Chinatown, where the usual not-in-my-backyard objection to shelters found across the city has gained urgency from a terrifying wave of anti-Asian attacks, many of them linked to homeless people. Resistance escalated after the brutal February murder of a 35-year-old woman, Christina Yuna Lee, in her apartment near the park, for which a homeless man has been charged.

The shelter that has proposed allowing drugs would be around the corner from where Ms. Lee was slain. And on Tuesday night, after hearing more than three hours of testimony, the community board that covers nearly half of Chinatown voted to oppose the shelter.

The 37-7 vote is merely advisory. But it adds to the pressure on Mayor Eric Adams, who has made less restrictive shelters like these a centerpiece of his plan to expand housing options for the city’s homeless population. Mr. Adams announced on Sunday a proposal to open over 900 more beds in these kinds of shelters, known as safe havens and stabilization hotels, by mid-2023.

While the city seldom backs down in the face of resistance to a shelter, in March, it dropped plans for a shelter in the Bronx that had been opposed by the community and the community board, giving protesters in Chinatown hope.

City officials did not immediately respond on Wednesday to a request for comment on Tuesday’s vote against the Chinatown shelter by Community Board 2.

As opposition grew against the second shelter, which would be on the East Broadway shopping strip, activists in Chinatown have raised $120,000 toward a lawsuit to try to block it, on the grounds that Chinatown already has too many.

Andrew Seng for The New York Times

“The city is trying to destroy our families, our homes and our neighborhood,” Janet Lau Sampieri, who lives and works in Chinatown, said at a rally this month near City Hall — one of at least 10 against the shelters since December. “We need to tell them ‘No.’”

One protest, folded into the Lunar New Year parade, featured signs begging Mr. Adams to “Please save Chinatown.”

While the shelters were in the pipeline before Mr. Adams took office, the battle touches on some of his fledgling administration’s signature initiatives: stopping homeless people from sheltering in streets and subways; reversing rises in violent crime and drug overdoses; and helping Manhattan neighborhoods dependent on tourists and office workers recover from the pandemic.

The two shelters in Chinatown, and a third in a more isolated part of the neighborhood that has drawn less opposition, would add 260 beds, mostly for men. The so-called harm reduction shelter that the community board voted to oppose on Tuesday, in a shuttered hotel at the bustling intersection of Grand Street and Bowery, is scheduled to open this spring. The others will open in 2023 and 2024.

The Department of Homeless Services said in a statement that the shelters “are tailored to support the unique needs of individuals who’ve lived unsheltered, and build on our commitment to expanding these specialized resources.”

There are already six shelters in Chinatown, though the city plans to close two.

Even before the shelters were announced, Chinatown residents had complained of a pandemic-long surge in menacing behavior, thefts and random violence that they attributed to homeless men.

Andrew Seng for The New York Times

Dozens of older residents have signed up for self-defense classes at a local community center. A preschool on the Bowery says it no longer takes students to play in Sara D. Roosevelt Park, a half-mile strip of playgrounds, ball fields and gardens where in some areas drug sales are brisk and drug use is open. The Bowery subway station had more 311 reports about homelessness than any other in the city for the six months ending in March, according to a New York Times analysis, though it is one of the least used stations.

There are also complex racial dynamics at play, in a neighborhood whose core is about two-thirds Asian American, while most street-homeless people in the city are Black or Hispanic, according to city statistics.

At a February community board hearing on the Grand Street shelter, one resident, Michael Mui, said putting a shelter there would be “a racist act on the community.”

“What about our rights?” Mr. Mui, 52, asked, adding, “We do so much for this country and the city and our human rights — my son and daughter’s human rights — are being taken away.”

The city says the shelters are partly a response to the killing of a homeless Asian man: Chuen Kwok, 83, one of four men fatally beaten while sleeping outdoors in Chinatown in 2019. The attacks prompted concern about a hidden problem of homelessness and housing insecurity among Chinese New Yorkers. Plans to name one of the new shelters after Mr. Kwok, though, were labeled “insulting” by opponents.

On March 12, a homeless man was killed on the edge of Chinatown, a short walk from the Grand Street site — part of a series of shootings of homeless men in New York and Washington. Advocates for the homeless said the shooting underscored the need for the Grand Street shelter.

The new Chinatown safe havens are aimed primarily at the people who already live unsheltered in the neighborhood — of which the city says there are about 250 — unlike typical shelters, which house people from all over the city.

In February, Charles King, the chief executive of Housing Works, the nonprofit that would operate the Grand Street shelter, said during a Zoom presentation that the facility would reduce nuisance behavior at Sara D. Roosevelt Park.

“If we can move people out of the park and into our care,” he said, “we free up the park for the community.”

He said the shelter’s amenities — including overdose prevention and needle exchange; a smoking deck; a 24-hour drop-in center where anyone can get a shower or meal or use the bathroom; and assistance finding permanent housing — would draw people in to turn their lives around.

The audience was not swayed.

A neighborhood resident, Jay Lok, said that when the hotel was a temporary pandemic shelter, its residents harassed neighbors and shopkeepers, used the street as a bathroom and scared people from using the A.T.M.s next door.

“You sound very confident,” he told Mr. King, “but that doesn’t mesh with what I lived the past two years.”

A disagreement appears to have developed between the city and Housing Works about the lenient drug policy planned for the shelter.

On Wednesday afternoon, a spokeswoman for the Department of Homeless Services said that drugs and alcohol are not allowed in any shelter. Mr. King was adamant when told of the city’s stance. “We’re prepared for the likelihood that people will use drugs,” he said, “and we’re not acting to prevent that because we meet people where they are.”

The other heavily opposed shelter, on East Broadway, would also be in another former hotel. In November, Thomas Yu, co-executive director of Asian Americans for Equality, a social-service and affordable-housing nonprofit with deep Chinatown roots, pledged support for it and said his group would provide Chinese-language assistance there.

Soon after, protesters carrying “A.A.F.E. sold out Chinatown” signs picketed the group’s office.

The day after Ms. Lee’s murder, protesters pounded on the office’s doors and windows and tried to force their way in, A.A.F.E. officials said.

A.A.F.E. has now backed out of its role at the shelter.

“I would love if they would put their pitchforks down and help us,” Mr. Yu said, “because we’re all in it together.”

Opponents say the Chinatown shelters will violate the city’s Fair Share law, which mandates spreading social service programs around equitably. But the law’s requirements are vague, and the question of whether Chinatown is already overburdened is tricky.

Manhattan Community District 2, which includes western Chinatown, has no shelters; Grand Street’s would be the first.

But shelters in Community District 3, which covers the eastern half of Chinatown, including East Broadway, house more than 1,000 people. Shelter opponents note that this number is far more than the number of homeless people who come from the district and argue that the city is placing an unfairly heavy burden on the district.

To shelter opponents, the city’s rationale for locating safe havens seems infuriatingly circular: They say their existence attracts both drug dealers and other homeless people, whose presence the city then uses to justify opening more shelters.

Andrew Seng for The New York Times

The city says that someone living in the street is more likely to accept a shelter placement in a familiar neighborhood. But several homeless people in Sara D. Roosevelt Park expressed hesitation when told about the Grand Street shelter.

Near a pop-up soup line by the park run by a nonprofit, City Relief, one recent morning, Robert Clark, 56, a former construction worker who now spends his nights riding the subway, was frank about what drew him to the area: “This park is known to sell the best quality K2” — the powerful synthetic cannabinoid — he said.

Andrew Seng for The New York Times

Mr. Clark said he was looking to get clean: “You’ve got to know when to call a timeout.”

But the idea of starting his journey to sobriety in a shelter that allows drugs did not appeal to him. “I don’t want to be around a bunch of people using a lot of drugs,” he said. “Take me very far away and let me deal with it myself.”

Another soup-line customer, Michael Torres, who described himself as “residentially challenged,” said he was trying to get into a safe haven shelter and that stable housing would enable him to go back to work as an auto-body repairman. But a safe haven near the park did not interest him, either. “There’s too much access to drugs in this neighborhood,” he said.

As Chen Xun, a Chinatown resident, picked up a couple of rolls from the soup line, he said the charity was “good for the homeless” of the neighborhood. But he questioned the wisdom of new shelters.

“Of course, everyone should have a place to live,” said Mr. Chen, 75, “but so many are living next to us.” His voice trailed off. “It’s just hard to say.”

Alex Lemonides contributed reporting.

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Tuesday, April 26, 2022

Researcher Helen Lee speaks on incorporating Asian American voices into critical racial consciousness and education - Daily Northwestern

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Joanna Hou, Assistant Campus Editor

University of Chicago researcher Helen Lee spoke on how schools can support developing critical racial consciousness for Asian American youth at a Tuesday event hosted by the Asian American Studies Program. 

“(We need to push a) curriculum that really challenges harmful stereotypes about Asian Americans,” Helen Lee said. “There needs to be more structural administrative support around the kind of changes that young folks are pushing for.” 

Helen Lee’s research surveyed Asian American high school students in Chicago about their experiences in the public school system. With the exception of a few classes, she said most people did not get a chance to learn much about Asian American history. 

Even when Asian American history was presented, Lee said students told her the lens was typically eurocentric. She said many students wanted to see their stories reflected.

“I was not exposed to Asian American history,” Helen Lee said. “Being surrounded by a Black community, I was hyperaware of my skin color, but I often didn’t have the spaces to process my racialized experiences.”

SESP senior Joanne Lee, who attended the event, said she wasn’t exposed to any Asian American history during her Chicago public school education. Her first experiences in Asian American studies came in college. 

Joanne Lee said the erasure of Asian American history in K-12 school muted part of her own identity. 

“Going to a public school, you’re taught that whatever you do learn is essential and prepares you,” she said. “The fact that I never learned any Asian American history just baffles my mind.” 

Helen Lee said many young people she interviewed said they felt “wiped out” of the curriculum, and others said they didn’t have a say in the curriculum they were given. 

Some students Helen Lee spoke to in her research said they thought exposure to Asian American curriculum should start earlier. She said this learning is important for students from all racial backgrounds, as changing perspectives can become more difficult over time. A tenth grade student Helen Lee surveyed said it’s crucial to educate the younger generation and broaden perspectives early. 

“I feel like they should have taught me more about history, especially my history and other people’s history,” the student said. “(So that) when we grow up, and we go into high school, and we see more people and meet more people, we could think for ourselves.” 

Helen Lee then placed participants into groups where they could discuss ways to incorporate Asian American voices into educational settings early on. Teams proposed ideas like assigning texts by Asian American authors, making space for Asian Americans in elementary education and providing more open forums for identity-based discussions. 

Weinberg sophomore Lena Rhie, an event participant, said hiring more Asian American teachers while supporting existing initiatives can improve the system. By majoring in Asian American Studies at Northwestern, Rhie said she has come to learn a lot more about herself and hopes others can have similar experiences earlier in their lives.  

“I feel a lot more knowledgeable in my own cultural history and also pan-Asian cultural history,” Rhie said. “What’s been more valuable for me is seeing other people care enough to teach it and the people I’ve been able to meet. It’s incredible.” 

Email: [email protected]

Twitter: @joannah_11

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Calif. for Equal Rights Foundation: San Dieguito School Superintendent ‘Smearing Asian-American Stude... - California Globe

Californians for Equal Rights Foundation last week called for the San Dieguito Union High School District Board to abstain from dividing students and employees on the basis of race, following a highly contentious incident at the board’s most recent Diversity Equity Inclusion training workshop, hosted by the board on April 11, 2022.

The Globe spoke with Dr. Wenyaun Wu, Executive Director of Californians for Equal Rights Foundation who said they firmly “oppose the inflammatory and untruthful narrative promoted by San Dieguito Union High School District (SDUHSD) Superintendent Dr. Cheryl James-Ward and biased media reporting.”

The Californians for Equal Rights Foundation says its objective is to “Defend Merit and Advance Equality,” and “Promote civic engagement.”

Dr. Cheryl James-Ward
Superintendent, San Dieguito School Dist. (Photo: sduhsd.net)

On April 12, 2022, CFER issued an Action Alert after the San Dieguito Union High School District hosted the Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI) training program, in which the new superintendent Dr. Cheryl James-Ward gave some blatant remarks smearing the district’s Asian-American students, according to Dr. Wu.

Dr. Wu said during the training session, Dr. Ward attempted to answer a question on Asian-Americans students’ high performance in the school district saying these students do well because they come from wealthy, first-generation Chinese-American families. She argued: “people who’re able to make the journey to America are wealthy.”

Wu said Asian-American students from low-income families perform better in school than other low-income students. “The problem here is not race and ethnicity,” Wu said. “It is culture. They are the playbook for the woke.”

Wu also said Dr. Ward is unwilling to acknowledge what is best for the students in her district.

Dr. Ward then dug in her heels Dr. Wu said, “and recounted the phenomenon of more immigrants settling down in the district saying, ‘a large influx of Chinese families move in, sight unseen, into our homes, our community… the whole family comes, grandparents and parents and the grandparents are there to support kids at home.’ (at 1:22:38 on video) She then contrasted the wealth gap with over-simplifying stereotypes: ‘whereas, our Latinx families don’t have that type of money, parents are working two jobs from sunup to sundown.’”

Another board member disagreed with Dr. Ward during the Zoom Board Meeting, and said she has asked the question as well about Asian-American student achievement and found that Asian-American students have parents and grandparents living with them, making them more family focused, which is powerful and supportive of the students.

Wenyuan Wu, Ph.D. Californians for Equal Rights Foundation. (Photo: CERF.org)

Dr. Wu said following Dr. Ward’s initial remarks stereotyping Asian students and her continued refusals to take responsibility, claiming her comments were “taken out of context,” Dr. Ward then shifted the blame onto CFER, “accusing us of putting ‘a complete hit’ on her and ‘public(ly) lynching’ her.'”

“Dr. Ward’s reactions expose her inability to escape the ideological trappings of race-based politics and the mainstream media’s unhealthy obsession with race,” Dr. Wu said.

Dr. Wu said Dr. Ward issued two sort-of-apologies. “She said ‘oops, I’m sorry if I offended anyone, but we need to do more DEI (Diversity, Equity, Inclusion).”

Dr. Wu expressed her frustration with local NBC7 who she said merely repeated what Dr. Ward told them: that the people showing up to the school board meetings are not district parents and were sent there by CFER to protest. “We did not tell them what to do,” Dr. Wu said. “We have no agenda. DEI is an agenda smearing the parents movement as a conspiracy.”

“We’re not some sort of secret cabal opposing a black woman Superintendent,” Dr. Wu said. “She’s on defense, and unwilling/unable to escape her own preconceived notions of seeing people and things through the prism of race.”

The school board voted 3-1 to place Dr. Cheryl James-Ward on administrative leave. But Dr. Ward said it was in retaliation. “Nothing that I said should have me here today,” Dr. Ward told NBC7. “I apologized to my community because if I caused harm, I need to apologize. And I apologized.”

Parents in the school district are outraged by Dr. Ward’s comments.

Dr. Wenyuan Wu said there is a new petition at Change.org calling for Dr. Cheryl James-Ward’s resignation, which already had 1,400 signatures as of Monday, and is up to 1,947 signatures Tuesday.

“We’re seeing a lot of support across the state,” Dr. Wu said. “We are on the right side. The problem is local media supporters who don’t do their homework. I told them ‘all you need to do is call me to verify. We are only focused on what she (Dr. Ward) said as the public school Superintendent.'”

Dr. Wu added, “We don’t accept the unacceptable.”

These are screen shots of the San Dieguito Union High School District Board Diversity Equity Inclusion training workshop:

Diversity Equity Inclusion training workshop, San Dieguito School Dist board. (screen capture sduhsd.net)
Diversity Equity Inclusion training workshop, San Dieguito School Dist board. (screen capture sduhsd.net)
Diversity Equity Inclusion training workshop, San Dieguito School Dist board. (screen capture sduhsd.net)
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