EVANSTON, Ill. (AP) — Mimi Collins had 18 points and 10 rebounds to help No. 8 Maryland beat Northwestern 62-50 on Sunday, moving one game closer to clinching a share of its third consecutive Big Ten regular-season title.
The Terrapins (19-2, 15-1 Big Ten) can clinch a share of the Big Ten championship with either a win at Michigan on Thursday or an Indiana loss to Iowa on Wednesday.
"Road wins are precious," said head coach Brenda Frese. "I'm really proud of the fight, this game was not an easy one for us today. I loved their response, especially in the second half."
Diamond Miller also finished with a double-double, scoring 17 points and adding 10 rebounds. Ashley Owusu added 10 points and eight rebounds to help the Terrapins win a game they never trailed after grabbing the lead 12 seconds in.
Veronica Burton scored 15 points and Lindsey Pulliam added 13 for Northwestern (13-6, 11-6).
Maryland controlled the pace of the first half, leading by as much as nine with over two minutes left in the second quarter before Northwestern finished off the half on an 8-2 run, cutting its deficit to three at the half.
Northwestern came within 32-31 when Burton made both of her free throws with over seven minutes left in the third quarter, but Maryland responded with a 6-0 run.
Anna Morris made a 3-pointer to make it a 38-37 game with four minutes left in the third quarter before the Terrapins ended the quarter on a 9-0 run.
The Wildcats fought back again with an 8-2 run to start the fourth quarter before the Terrapins' Katie Benzan made a 3-pointer with 5:18 left in the game to give her team a 52-45 lead. Maryland never led by less than seven for the rest of the game as Northwestern failed to score in three minutes toward the end.
BIG PICTURE
Maryland: The Terrapins moved on to 10-1 all-time against Northwestern after Sunday's win, with the lone loss coming at Evanston last season.
UP NEXT
Maryland visits Michigan on Thursday, time to be announced.
TOKYO (AP) — Asian shares rose Monday on hopes for President Joe Biden’s stimulus package and bargain-hunting after sell offs last week.
Japan’s benchmark Nikkei 225 surged 2.2% in morning trading to 29,587.82. Australia’s S&P/ASX 200 jumped 1.5% to 6,774.00.
Hong Kong’s Hang Seng advanced 0.9% to 29,253.72, while the Shanghai Composite rose 0.6% to 3,529.98 despite a survey showing slightly weaker manufacturing indicators for the month of February.
South Korean markets were closed for a national holiday. But the government reported that exports rose 9.5% in February from a year earlier and imports jumped nearly 14%, in signs the economy is picking up momentum.
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A manufacturing survey for Japan showed an expansion in February for the first time since April 2019. The au Jibun purchasing managers index reading of 51.4 — on a scale of 1-100, where 50 and above show expansion — was a sharp improvement from the 49.8 level registered in January.
The survey showed improvements in many areas including higher sales and orders and higher exports, reflecting improved demand in overseas markets, especially China.
Asia’s export-reliant economies are counting on a healthy American economy to boost trade, which has tended to stagnate during the pandemic. As the region’s recovery begins to take off, vaccine rollouts are also gradually getting started in most Asian nations.
Worries about the economy, as well as about COVID-19, are still relatively widespread in Japan, which is seeing yet another wave of coronavirus cases. Some urban areas, like Osaka, have lifted measures to help prevent the spread of infections, but the Tokyo area remains under a “state of emergency,” focused on having restaurants, bars and other businesses close at 8 p.m. Japan has never had a lockdown.
The U.S. House of Representatives approved Biden’s $1.9 trillion pandemic relief bill on Friday and it now goes to the Senate for approval. The bill infuses cash across the struggling economy to individuals, businesses, schools, states and cities battered by COVID-19.
The U.S. stimulus bill would include yet another round of one-time payments to most Americans, including an expansion of other refundable tax credits like the child tax credit, and additional aid to state and local governments to combat the pandemic.
“It is still fundamentally good news that the sell-offs’ economic underpinnings — increasing mobility, inflation, and US stimulus — are still intact, with global vaccinations rolling out faster than expected,” said Stephen Innes, chief global market strategist at Axi.
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Wall Street ended last week mostly lower, pushing the S&P 500 to its second straight weekly loss. The S&P 500 index fell 0.5% to 3,811.15. Despite a two-week slide, the index managed a 2.6% gain for February after a 1.1% loss in January.
The Dow Jones Industrial Average dropped 1.5% to 30,932.37. The Nasdaq gained 0.6% to 13,192.34. The index still posted its biggest weekly loss since October. The Russell 2000 index of smaller companies eked out a small gain, adding less than 0.1%, to 2,201.05.
In energy trading, benchmark U.S. crude gained $1.07 to $62.57 a barrel. It lost $2.03 on Friday to $61.50 per barrel. Brent crude, the international standard, rose $1.41 to $65.83 a barrel.
In currency trading, the U.S. dollar rose to 106.63 Japanese yen from 106.56 yen late Friday. The euro cost $1.2086, up from $1.2074.
asianpostmedia.blogspot.com GREENVILLE, N.C.- A gap in possession was too much for the ECU lacrosse team to overcome as the Pirates fell to No. 8 Duke 16-4 on Sunday afternoon.
ECU drops to 2-3 on the season and suffers its first home loss in three games while Duke improves to 4-1.
In the early going, the Pirates were right in the game with the Blue Devils. Payton Barr got draw controls on two of the first three draws and ECU turned both of those into goals. After Barr collected the opening draw, Ally Stanton slammed a goal home after less than a minute of play to give ECU a 1-0 lead. Duke came back and scored just over a minute later when Caroline DeBellis fed Catherine Cordrey. But Barr once again gave ECU the ball and Megan Pallozzi earned a free-position shot, which she promptly buried to make it 2-1.
Unfortunately for the Pirates, the offense could not get much going for the rest of the half, with the Pirates turning it over 14 times in the opening 30 minutes. The ECU defense helped keep the game within reach, as the Pirates allowed just three more Blue Devil goals and forced eight Duke turnovers themselves. By the time the half came to an end, ECU trailed just 5-2.
After it was 4-4 in draw controls in the first half, Duke began to assert its dominance in the draw circle. The Blue Devils won the first seven draw controls of the second half, turning most of those into goals. Duke rattled off a 7-0 run before Barr got a hold of a draw control and then raced in for a solo goal. That made it 12-3 with 20:51 remaining.
After more than 10 scoreless minutes, Duke turned an ECU turnover into a goal to push the lead back to 10. ECU answered one more time, as Frances Kimel scored off a feed from Brittany Borchers. It is the second straight year that Kimel has scored against the Blue Devils who are coached by her mother, Kerstin Kimel.
Kimel's goal was the final tally for the Pirates with Duke adding a trio of goals in the final six minutes to make the final score 16-4.
Duke had a 15-7 advantage in draw controls and forced 23 ECU turnovers to just 14 for the Blue Devils. ECU did have the edge in saves, as Ashley Vernon made nine stops for the Pirates while Sophia LeRose made four for Duke.
Barr had four draw controls for ECU. CeCe Bartley and Jordyn Cox each caused a pair of Duke turnovers while Liz Blumthal scooped up three ground balls.
ECU will close out the non-conference portion of the scbedule next Saturday when the Pirates host Jacksonville. That game will get started at 12 noon and will be broadcast on ECUPirates.com.
SYDNEY (Reuters) - Asian shares rallied on Monday as some semblance of calm returned to bond markets after last week’s wild ride, while progress in the huge U.S. stimulus package underpinned optimism about the global economy and sent oil prices higher.
China’s official manufacturing PMI out over the weekend missed forecasts, but Japanese figures showed the fastest growth in two years. Investors are also counting on upbeat news from a raft of U.S. data due this week including the February payrolls report.
Helping sentiment was news deliveries of the newly approved Johnson & Johnson COVID-19 vaccine should start on Tuesday.
MSCI’s broadest index of Asia-Pacific shares outside Japan edged up 0.8%, after shedding 3.7% last Friday.
Japan’s Nikkei rallied 2.1%, while Chinese blue chips added 0.5%.
NASDAQ futures bounced 1.2% and S&P 500 futures 0.9%. EUROSTOXX 50 futures and FTSE futures both rose 1.1%.
Yields on U.S. 10-year notes came off to 1.41%, from last week’s peak of 1.61%, though they still ended last week 11 basis points higher and were up 50 basis points on the year so far.
“The bond moves on Friday still feel like a pause for air, rather than the catalyst for a move towards calmer waters,” said Rodrigo Catril, a senior strategist at NAB.
“Market participants remain nervous over the prospect of higher inflation as economies look to reopen aided by vaccine roll outs, high levels of savings along with solid fiscal and monetary support.”
Analysts at BofA noted the bond bear market was now one of the most severe on record with the annualised price return from 10-year U.S. govt bonds down 29% since last August, with Australia off 19%, the UK 16% and Canada 10%.
The rout owed much to expectations of faster U.S. growth as the House passed President Joe Biden’s $1.9 trillion coronavirus relief package, sending it to Senate.
BofA’s U.S. Economist Michelle Meyer lifted her forecast for economic growth to 6.5% for this year and 5% next, due to the likelihood of the larger stimulus package, better news on the virus front and encouraging data.
Virus cases were also down 72% since a Jan. 12 peak and hospitalizations are following closely behind, BofA added.
Higher U.S. yields combined with the general shift to safety helped the dollar index rebound to 90.917 from a seven-week low of 89.677.
On Monday, the euro was steady at $1.2086, compared to last week’s peak of $1.2242, while the dollar held near a six-month top on the yen at 106.57.
“Riskier” currencies and those exposed to commodities bounced a little after taking a beating late last week, with the Australian and Canadian dollars up and emerging markets from Brazil to Turkey looking steadier.
Non-yielding gold was still nursing losses after hitting an eight-month low on Friday en route to its worst month since November 2016. It was last at $1,743 an ounce, just above a trough around $1,716.
Oil prices extended their gains ahead of an OPEC meeting this week where supply could be increased. Brent gained 4.8% last week and WTI 3.8%, while both were about 20% higher over February as a whole.
Brent was last up $1.27 at $65.69, while U.S. crude rose $1.22 to $62.72 per barrel.
On the evening of April 28, 1997, Kuan Chung Kao, a thirty-three-year-old Taiwan-born engineer, went to the Cotati Yacht Club near Rohnert Park, a quiet suburb in Sonoma County, California, where he lived with his wife and three children. Kao went to the bar a couple of times a week for an after-work glass of red wine; on this evening, he was celebrating a new job. According to a bartender working that night, Kao got in an argument with a customer, who mistook him for Japanese. “You all look alike to me,” the man said. Tensions simmered, and, later in the evening, the man returned to needle Kao some more. “I’m sick and tired of being put down because I’m Chinese,” Kao shouted back. “If you want to challenge me, now’s the time to do it.”
An altercation followed, and someone called the police. When they arrived, the bartender, who later described Kao as a “caring and friendly” patron, helped defuse the situation and assured them that causing a ruckus was out of Kao’s character. He was sent home in a cab. Still livid, Kao shouted outside his house late into the night, alarming his neighbors, who placed about a dozen calls to 911. When two officers arrived, Kao was standing in his driveway, holding a stick. One of the officers ordered him to put it down. When he responded with profanities, the officer shot him. His wife, a nurse, tried to save him, but was restrained. A police spokesman later said that he had been waving the stick “in a threatening martial-arts fashion.” The other described the pudgy, five-foot-seven-inch Kao as a “ninja fighter.” Kao was not a ninja, and he had no martial-arts training. A warrant to search Kao’s house for evidence of martial-arts expertise turned up nothing.
At the time, I was a college student at Berkeley. A few days after the incident, a friend and I procured a megaphone and stood on the steps of the campus plaza, shouting to passersby about Kao’s death. We were trying to get our classmates to think about the indignities of this man’s final night, and to see the racial animus involved in assuming that he was some kind of martial-arts master. But we were neither succinct nor persuasive, and people continued on their way. It felt like we were passing a rumor between ourselves, something small and insignificant that only mattered to Asian Americans like us, rather than bearing witness to an instance of racial violence. The Sonoma County District Attorney’s office declined to charge the officers. When a vigil was organized outside Kao’s home on the one-year anniversary of his death, some of the neighbors, who had supported the police’s account of the night’s events, flew American flags, which was perceived at the time as a show of hostility.
The California attorney general looked into it and concluded that the officers had acted in self-defense. An F.B.I. examination did not lead to charges either. Years later, a civil suit was settled for a million dollars, which was split between the family and the four legal firms that had represented them. Over time, and in the face of an official narrative of events that drained that night of its complexity, it became difficult to fit Kao’s killing into any discernible pattern that might demand a reckoning; instead, it came to seem like a random occurrence. I soon forgot that it had happened at all.
I was reminded of Kao in the past few weeks, as frustrations have escalated around a recent string of attacks against Asian Americans. In the past year, there has been a steady increase in such attacks. Last spring, there seemed to be a constant stream of stories: verbal confrontations and fights, knifings, even an acid attack, much of it seemingly attributable to Donald Trump’s anti-Asian rhetoric, particularly to his sneers about the “China flu.” Advocacy groups nationwide recorded between two and three thousand racist incidents in 2020.
Recently, fears of another wave of anti-Asian violence have arisen following a string of viral videos depicting attacks against Asian Americans. In late January, a clip circulated of Vicha Ratanapakdee, an eighty-four-year-old man originally from Thailand, being assaulted as he walked down a street in San Francisco. He died days later. Around this time, another clip, showing a ninety-one-year-old Asian man in Oakland’s Chinatown being shoved to the ground while walking down the street, made the rounds. The actors Daniel Dae Kim and Daniel Wu offered rewards for information on the assailants. A few days later, Kim, Wu, and the activist Amanda Nguyen appeared on MSNBC, in part to chastise the mainstream media for being slow to cover these attacks. Even as outlets began reporting on these videos, attacks continued: a Filipino-American man’s face was slashed in New York; a Korean-American man was beaten in Los Angeles’s Koreatown while assailants shouted slurs at him. About a week ago, another viral clip circulated, this one of a fifty-two-year-old Asian-American woman being shoved to the ground in Flushing, Queens.
For some Asian Americans, the videos provided proof of what they have been feeling for some time, namely, that they are increasingly targeted on the basis of their appearance. But within this was a sense that their concerns would never be taken seriously. In the cases of the San Francisco and Oakland attacks, some officials, and even local community members, questioned whether these attacks were random rather than racially motivated. The attacker captured in the Queens video was released, and no hate-crime charges were brought against him. Beyond pressing for media coverage, however, the demands around what to do next were sometimes contradictory. Calls for more protection in Asian neighborhoods struck critics of police brutality as the wrong answer; in particular, Kim and Lee’s so-called bounties were perceived to undermine the efforts of Asian-American organizers already working toward community-oriented solutions to public safety. Villainizing the suspects, at least two of whom were Black, seemed to play into racist narratives of inner-city crime. Some felt dismayed that Black and brown community leaders had not rushed to the defense of Asian Americans; others claimed that such standards construed the fight for justice as quid pro quo. Calls to center and protect Asian “elders” drew criticism for playing into a respectability politics that casts a kindly grandma or grandpa as a sympathetic, innocent victim. I saw someone on Instagram acerbically wonder whether these were the same elders whom we had recently been urged to lecture about their racism?
Visibility matters. Yet obsessing over it sometimes obscures the long-standing challenges of organizing Asian Americans around a single, shared story. It’s difficult to describe anti-Asian racism when society lacks a coherent, historical account of what that racism actually looks like. The parameters of activism often get defined by hashtags—#StopAAPIHate, #ProtectOurElders, #NotYourModelMinority—rather than a sense of history. In the age of Black Lives Matter, the desire to carve out a crisp, pithy position is greater than ever. But the past weeks’ conversations have illustrated how the Asian-American experience doesn’t always fit neatly into conventional understandings of victimhood.
For decades, Asian people in America tended to identify more with their own nationality and ethnicity than with a broad Asian-American community. But, in the sixties and seventies, a more inclusive sense of Asian-American identity grew out of a desire for political solidarity. This new identity assumed a kind of cross-generational ethos, as younger people forged connections with older immigrants, helping them to navigate social services and to understand their rights. And it found clarity through collective struggle, as when, in 1977, in San Francisco, Asian-American community organizers, aided by a multiracial coalition of allies, came to the defense of a group of elderly Asians, mostly Filipino men, who were being evicted from their longtime homes in the I-Hotel. But the real turning point came in 1982, when two white men, one of whom had been laid off from his job as an autoworker, followed Vincent Chin, a young Chinese-American draftsman, from a Detroit bar to a nearby McDonald’s and beat him to death. Witnesses said that the three had initially fought at the bar, and that during the altercation the men had allegedly mistaken Chin for Japanese and blamed him for the American auto industry’s decline. The men later claimed that it was a fight that had gotten out of hand, and that they were not motivated by Chin’s race. They were given probation and fined. The lenient sentencing sparked a national campaign against anti-Asian racism and inspired an Oscar-nominated documentary, “Who Killed Vincent Chin?”
In contrast to racism against other groups, anti-Asian racism has rarely been as gruesome and blatant as it was in the Chin killing. There have of course been other violent incidents, like the “Chinese massacre” that occurred in Los Angeles, in 1871, or the Sikh-temple shooting in Oak Creek, Wisconsin, in 2012. But the history of Asian victimhood in America is varied and muddled. A presumption of foreignness might link exclusionary immigration policies of the nineteenth century to the internment of the Japanese during the Second World War; the paranoia around Asian-American scientists, which resulted in the mistreatment of a Taiwanese-American nuclear scientist named Wen Ho Lee, in the nineteen-nineties; and post-9/11 Islamophobia. Yet even the effects of these broad patterns of discrimination aren’t uniformly felt. And the needs and disadvantages of refugee communities and poor Asian Americans have been obscured as much by the myth of Asians as the “model minority” as by the movements, particularly among the professional class, to resist this myth.
The current moment underscores the in-between space that Asian Americans inhabit. It’s hard to prove bias in a hate crime, and it’s typically done by showing how a particular crime draws on recognizable histories of violence or neglect. This becomes difficult when people are mystified by the idea of anti-Asian racism. In Chin’s case, the culprits were white men who espoused racist ideas, which made it easier to recognize the assault as a hate crime and to organize the community around it. Some recent attacks also make legible the ways in which systemic injustices afflict Asian Americans. In late December, police officers killed a Chinese-American named Christian Hall in Monroe County, Pennsylvania; soon after, a Filipino-American man named Angelo Quinto died, after a police officer choked him by kneeling on his neck in Antioch, California. Both Hall and Quinto were suffering from mental-health episodes at the time. Officers claimed that Hall, who was standing on an overpass, pointed a gun in their direction. Quinto died as his family, who had called the police out of concern, looked on. Campaigns fighting for the officers to be held accountable fluidly align with the movement for Black lives, and the criticism of the criminal-justice system’s overreach and potential for brutality.
The videos circulating now are more difficult to parse. In the case of the ninety-one-year-old who was injured in Oakland, the culprit was a man with what a judge called “significant mental-health issues” who seemed to target people indiscriminately. Local community leaders in the Bay Area warned against drawing overly simplistic conclusions from these incidents. “These crimes and violent situations that happen in Chinatown have been happening for a while,” Alvina Wong, a director at the Asian Pacific Environmental Network, explained to the Oaklandside. The attack captured on video was one of more than twenty tallied by the president of the Oakland Chinatown Chamber of Commerce in a two-week span. We might instead read these videos as part of a larger set of stories. The gutting of local reporting and newspapers has made it harder for communities to stay informed about city politics and the conditions driving local crime. Economic policies that once extracted resources from cities have now caused them to gentrify and crowd out the poor, making enemies of neighboring communities. Mayors and politicians who don’t at all fear losing the support of their Asian constituency rarely feel the need to proactively work on their behalf. Meanwhile, a tattered social safety net does little to help those struggling with mental health.
Some have wondered if these horrific, viral videos constitute a wave, or if they were just random incidents. When your concerns have gone unrecognized for decades, it’s understandable why some within the Asian-American community remain so invested in using these highly visible moments as an opportunity to call attention to hate, even if the incidents seem more varied than that. The wave in question isn’t just two or three incidents. It’s a broader history that stretches past Trump and the pandemic. It’s easy for these incidents to fade from memory. While digging through old articles about Kao, I realized that one of the first reported pieces I’d written, in 2000, was about anti-Asian violence on college campuses. The same month as Kao’s killing, in 1997, a group of mostly Asian students were beaten up in the parking lot of a Denny’s in Syracuse, after complaining that the staff seemed to be seating white customers first. The staff allegedly didn’t intervene as a group of white patrons went outside and assaulted them, shouting racial slurs. A police officer who arrived on the scene reportedly said that it appeared to be nothing more than a parking-lot fight. The local D.A. declined to press charges. There were similar incidents at other colleges, and Asian-American advocacy groups questioned whether they were hate crimes. A few years prior, in the early nineties, Yoshi Hattori, a Japanese exchange student in Baton Rouge, had showed up at the wrong door for a Halloween party. The owner deemed him threatening—Hattori was dressed in a white suit, inspired by John Travolta in “Saturday Night Fever”—and shot him dead. Hattori’s shooter, Rodney Peairs, expressed remorse but was eventually acquitted, thanks to Louisiana’s laws around self-defense in cases of trespass. Peairs’s lawyers claimed that he and his wife felt threatened by Hattori’s “kinetic,” “antsy,” and “scary” way of moving. Hattori’s father surmised that his son was having trouble seeing anything, on account of a lost contact lens. His English wasn’t strong, so Hattori may not have understood what Peairs was saying to him. He probably had no idea what was going on, or why this was happening, as he died.
These moments didn’t coalesce into a movement. The assailants often got the benefit of the doubt and were let off scot-free. They have since been forgotten. Understanding this history won’t bring back Ratanapakdee, Hall, or Quinto. A plea for context won’t defuse tempers between strangers in the street. But nothing is random, even if the logic of American life tries to persuade us otherwise. These histories may help us see patterns that, eventually, others might see, too.
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RALEIGH, N.C. – In an Atlantic Coastal Conference Opening Weekend statement, No. 15 Georgia Tech outscored No. 8 NC State 25-9 on the weekend, including a 8-4 win on Sunday on Doak Field at Dail Park, to improve to 3-0 in ACC play.
The Yellow Jackets (6-1, 3-0 ACC) also captured their first sweep of an ACC opponent on the road since 2011 as the Wolfpack dropped to 2-4 and 0-3 in the league.
Offensively, Tech was once again electric, jumping out score four runs in the top of the first, thanks largely to two doubles. From there, the Jackets at least matched any run scored by NC State the rest of the way to maintain the lead.
Austin Wilhite continued his stellar play at the plate, going 2-for-4 and hitting his first home run of the season and 10th of his career. Drew Compton had his multi-hit day off two hits and a double for two RBI, while Jake Holland (2-for 4, double) and Luke Waddell (2-for-6, double).
On the mound, Tech used six pitchers overall on the day. LHP Sam Crawford went the first 3.2 innings, allowing just a run, before RHP Ben King (1-0) dealt a terrific inning of work total, getting out of a bases-loaded jam.
NC State was led by Austin Murr, who went 2-for-4 with a double for the game, while starter LHP Chris Villaman (0-1) received the loss, allowing four runs on three hits in 0.2 innings.
The 15th-ranked Yellow Jackets will host crosstown foe Georgia State on Tuesday, March 2 at Mac Nease Baseball Park. First pitch is scheduled for 4 p.m. and will be broadcast live on ACC Network Extra ad WREK 91.1 FM.
Postgame Notes:
Georgia Tech improves to 77-56 against NC State all-time.
Georgia Tech has now won four-straight games overall and fourth-straight against NC State.
Georgia Tech clinched its 11th-straight ACC series on Saturday, dating back to 2019. The Yellow Jackets’ last ACC series loss came on March 8-10, 2019.
The 3-0 sweep marks the best opening start for the Jackets in ACC play since 2011 (3-0, vs. Maryland).
The 3-0 sweep marks the first ACC sweep since Miami (Fla.) in 2018.
The 3-0 sweep also marks the first ACC road sweep since 2011 (Miami (Fla.), 2011).
RHP Chance Huff, RHP Zach Maxwell and LHP Luke Bartnicki all provided pitching relief on the day, surrendering just two runs on four hits over 4.1 innings.
The Alexander-Tharpe Fund is the fundraising arm of Georgia Tech athletics, providing scholarship, operations and facilities support for Georgia Tech’s 400-plus student-athletes. Be a part of developing Georgia Tech’s Everyday Champions and helping the Yellow Jackets compete for championships at the highest levels of college athletics by supporting the A-T Fund’sAnnual Athletic Scholarship Fund, which directly provides scholarships for Georgia Tech student-athletes, and theSupport The Swarm Fund, created to give fans an opportunity to help Georgia Tech athletics maintain its recent momentum through the financial challenges of the Covid-19 pandemic! To learn more about supporting the Yellow Jackets, visitatfund.org.
Of the 813 newly reported cases, 147 of them are noted as probable cases, according to MDH. A total of 23,591 probable cases have been reported since antigen testing began in September.
So far, 6,483 people have died from the coronavirus in Minnesota. Of those deaths, 271 are listed as probable COVID-19 deaths. Of the total deaths reported as of Sunday, 4,055 were residents of long-term care facilities.
To date, 25,719 COVID-19 patients have been hospitalized in Minnesota and 5,295 patients have been in the ICU.
According to MDH, the new positive COVID-19 cases in Minnesota reported on Sunday moved the state's total to 484,594 since pandemic record-keeping began. A total of 470,819 patients have recovered or are recovering and no longer need isolation.
As of Sunday, approximately 7.3 million COVID-19 tests have been completed in Minnesota.
About 64.3 million people worldwide have recovered as of Sunday.
According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, patients with confirmed COVID-19 have mild to severe respiratory problems, with symptoms of fever, cough and shortness of breath. Some patients report a loss of smell and/or taste and having muscle aches, headache, sore throat, and/or chills and shaking.
Note: According to MDH - "Because all data are preliminary, the change in number of cumulative positive cases and deaths from one day to the next may not equal the newly reported cases or deaths."
"When I was attacked on the subway, there were so many New Yorkers around me, but nobody came to my help, nobody made a video," the 61-year old Filipino American said.
"I was scared I wasn't going to make it. ... We are all New Yorkers, and we should be looking out for each other."
Quintana, a New Yorker, described the February 3 attack to city leaders, Asian Americans and their supporters who attended the "Rise Up Against Anti-Asian Hate" rally in Foley Square on Saturday.
"Stop Asian hate!" New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio told the crowd. "This is the message we have to get out, not just in New York City, but all over this country: Stop Asian hate! Stop it now!"
The rally was held to protest a wave of attacks on Asian Americans, including a large number of elderly people. The stabbing of a 36-year-old Asian American man on Thursday is the latest reported incident in New York City. Similar incidents are being reported across the nation.
US Sen. Chuck Schumer, a New York Democrat, told the crowd there were signs of a surge in violence at the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic.
"Tragically, those warnings came to fruition and the Asian American community, across New York and the country, have been the target of race-based discrimination and harassment," Schumer said.
New York Attorney General Letitia James encouraged individuals at the rally to report hate crimes to her office.
"Come to my office so we can report on these individuals who hate us, so we can shut them down. Any attack on one of us is an attack against all of us," James said.
Pearl Sun, a New York City resident, attended the rally but didn't speak to the crowd. She told CNN she's now wary when walking in the city streets.
"I have to tell you that I walk out the door and I brace myself, I prepare myself," she said. "I make sure I no longer listen to music, when I'm walking around. I no longer listen to podcasts. ... I want to make sure I pay attention to what, or whatever might be happening around me."
"I think the rhetoric from our previous administration was definitely the catalyst for all of this. Anti-Asian sentiment has always existed, and we've had a lot of legislation in the past that has not been good for us either: the Japanese internment camps, the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882.
"It's been an ongoing situation, but the previous rhetoric has amped up all of his hate, calling it the kung flu virus and the China virus, and we are sadly, seemingly an easy target."
Sun said the rhetoric had amplified the hate, especially in instances involving elderly Asian Americans.
"They are defenseless, and it's cowardly, and it angers me, it really angers me," Sun said.
City resident Will Lex Ham said many of his family live in fear and anxiety. He said the Asian community does not receive resources in proportion to its population in the city, state and nation.
"We're just tired. We're tired of like being scapegoated for many of the problems of the pandemic. We're tired of being ignored," Ham said.
Reports of attacks on the rise
The rally was hosted by the Asian American Federation, an umbrella organization that advocates for better policies and services for Asian Americans.
The federation says there were "nearly 500 bias incidents or hate crimes in 2020, ranging from verbal to physical assaults, to being coughed at or spat upon, to shunning, among other forms of discrimination."
Those numbers were collected by the AAF, the advocacy group Stop AAPI (Asian American Pacific Islanders) Hate, the NYPD and the NYC Commission on Human Rights, according to the AAF.
"However, these are a fraction of the actual number of incidents that have occurred, as the majority of incidents go unreported. For example, over 90% of the reports collected by AAF were not reported to either the NYPD or NYC Commission on Human Rights," the AAF said in a news release.
In contrast, the NYPD said there were 29 reported racially-motivated crimes against people of Asian descent in 2020 in New York City, and 24 of those were attributed to "coronavirus motivation." Racially motivated crimes against people of Asian descent in 2019 totaled three.
A middle school student from San Mateo organized a rally Saturday to raise awareness about the rise in anti-Asian hate crimes and show support for the Asian community across the entire Bay Area.
Thirteen-year-old Ashlyn So brought together hundreds of people from the San Mateo community and beyond in a peaceful event dubbed Stand For Asians.
"I just thought this isn’t OK; I have to do something about this," Ashlyn said Saturday. "I told my mom I want to start a rally."
The event took place at Central Park on East Fifth Avenue and El Camino Real in San Mateo and included a number of local officials, including San Mateo City Councilwoman Amourence Lee, Millbrae City Councilman Anders Fung and Belmont Mayor Charles Stone.
Those officials and other speakers discussed how the community can help alleviate the recent rash of racist and xenophobic attacks against Asian Americans and do so with compassion, education and unity.
The Millbrae Anti-Racist Coalition helped So organize the rally.
"It heartens me that there are so many people who came out today to support raising awareness about anti-Asian violence," said Dawn Lee of the Ant-Racist Coalition.
Many talked about the need for support in the community. They want Asian-American victims to not be afraid of reporting crimes, something organizers say is crucial to making progress.
"I do think that a lot of people think it doesn't happen here, it's the Bay Area," said Jen Sheridan of San Mateo. "It does. I hope it raises awareness. I hope it makes people feel supported."
Several such hate crimes have occurred across the Bay Area, including one unprovoked attack in which a 19-year-old man shoved an 84-year-old Asian to the ground in San Francisco, and the older man ultimately died as a result of his injuries.
A middle school student from San Mateo organized a rally Saturday to raise awareness about the rise in anti-Asian hate crimes and show support for the Asian community across the entire Bay Area. Christie Smith reports.
In an effort to help make merchants and customers feel safe in light of the attacks, a group of Oakland Chinatown leaders is planning to extend community foot patrols there.
The crimes in Oakland’s Chinatown seemed to have hit a violent peak leading up to Chinese New Year three weeks ago. That’s when the volunteer citizen foot patrol started, but it wasn’t a long-term effort.
Joe Ma, head of the East Bay Toishan Association, said through interpreter Josephine Hui that on Monday they’ll announce plans to take over the patrols.
“We just want to take over so that we can have a little bit longer time to protect the businesses and residents,” Hui said.
Christina Leung was riding Muni last year near San Francisco’s Chinatown when she heard the bus driver talking loudly with a White passenger.
A group of Asian American residents had just boarded, and the conductor was complaining about the behavior of “Chinese” customers, thinking they couldn’t understand her, said Leung, a self-described senior citizen who has lived in the Sunset district for more than 30 years after emigrating from Hong Kong.
Leung plucked up her courage and told the driver her behavior was improper, she recalled. But over the past year, as former president Donald Trump referred to COVID-19 as “Chinese virus,” the constant media stereotyping and eroding sense of safety in her longtime city has felt “not so good,” she said.
“They were not ashamed to speak aloud, in public,” Leung said. “It made me angry.”
Leung was one of hundreds to pour into San Mateo’s Central Park Saturday, rallying in response to racist and violent incidents against Asian American people in the Bay Area that have stirred both anguish and demands for change.
In Oakland’s Chinatown last month, a viral video showed a frail 91-year-old man getting shoved to the ground while walking along Harrison Street. In another video, a young man ran toward an elderly person in San Francisco and slammed him into a driveway. The 84-year-old man later died. And nationwide, more than 2,800 incidents of anti-Asian hate have been reported since the start of the pandemic, according to the Stop AAPI Hate project at San Francisco State University — about half of which occurred in California.
The images quickly made their way to Ashlyn So, a 13-year-old seventh grader at Burlingame Intermediate School.
“I saw all these people getting hurt and I didn’t like that,” So said. “I was really petrified and shocked. This isn’t supposed to be happening in our community. We’re in the Bay Area.”
After talking it over with her mom, So posted on Nextdoor on Feb. 19 about hosting the rally. Almost immediately, the Millbrae Anti-Racist Coalition reached out to help. Meanwhile So’s family created an Eventbrite, emailed friends and classmates, and passed out flyers — efforts that quickly spread further than they anticipated.
As the crowd swelled to the hundreds, people marched around the park carrying signs like “Love our food? Love our people” and “Stand For Asians” before listening to speakers, including local public officials and So.
Eva Arceo, 13, arrived at the rally from San Bruno with her mom and a friend after they noticed other Bay Area students posting about it on TikTok. After joining anti-police brutality protests last summer on the Peninsula, the family is hoping for similar solidarity to grow around anti-Asian American incidents.
“We’ve always grown up in a very Asian neighborhood, and we’re very protective of that — very protective,” said Eva’s mom Eileen Arceo, 47. “You can never just walk away from somebody.”
Already, groups of volunteers have been organizing to help protect Bay Area elders day-to-day. Kevin Ng, 26, of San Jose, has banded together with friends loosely under the moniker “Asians With Attitudes” to accompany people through their neighborhoods.
In Oakland, the city brought back a Chinatown community police officer it had previously removed amid budget cuts. But merchants have set up a GoFundMe to pay for private security guards, fearful that it’s not enough.
Almost nightly for the past few weeks, Ng has driven out to Oakland or San Francisco to walk with Asian residents, mostly older people, as they close up shops, go to the store or take walks. An Asian American friend in her 30s was assaulted this fall, he said, and he regularly hears stories from his friends’ parents of racist comments related to COVID-19.
“Instead of saying, I’m here to help you’ — I’m going to show you that I’m here to help you,” Ng said of the volunteer ambassadors. “I just want to send a message to whoever’s doing this — whoever thinks it’s okay to do this — stop it. Stop it, man. It’s not the way.”
Still, Saturday brought a moment of hope to Ng and others who marveled that a single 13-year-old had managed to pull together so many people. Leung, the Sunset senior, drove out to San Mateo by herself to “support the youngsters.”
“I haven’t gotten my injection, probably most of them haven’t, but they dare to come here and show support,” Leung said, gesturing at the crowd from which she was keeping a safe distance. “They have the bravery to show up for justice.”
Staff writer Annie Sciacca contributed to this report.
Luka Doncic scored 27 points and the visiting Dallas Mavericks pulled away in the second half for a 115-98 victory on Saturday night over the Brooklyn Nets, who saw their season-high winning streak snapped at eight games.
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The Mavericks won for the eighth time in 11 games and bounced back nicely from Thursday’s 111-97 loss in Philadelphia. Dallas held Brooklyn to 34 points after halftime.
Doncic shot 11 of 21 from the floor, added seven assists and six rebounds and had plenty of help. Kristaps Porzingis returned from missing three games with a back injury and added 18 points.
Jalen Brunson contributed 14, Tim Hardaway Jr. chipped in 13 and Dorian Finney-Smith finished with 12 as the Mavericks shot 52.3 percent and hit 14 3-pointers.
The Nets were without Kyrie Irving (right shoulder) and Kevin Durant (left hamstring).
James Harden led the Nets with 29 points, 25 in the first half, and shot 9 of 21 overall and committed six turnovers. Jeff Green and Bruce Brown added 12 points apiece as Brooklyn shot 40.7 percent and was held under 100 points for just the third time this season.
Dallas started fast, making seven of its first nine shots for a 21-10 lead five minutes in. After Harden scored 12 points in a 14-3 run, the Mavericks started double teaming him and ended the first quarter on a 14-2 spurt to get a 38-26 lead on Hardaway’s dunk with 1.8 seconds left.
With Harden resting, the Nets cut a 14-point deficit to 49-45 on a 3-point play by Landry Shamet with 7:28 remaining.
Harden returned a minute later and Dallas opened a 10-point lead on three free throws by Hardaway with 4:22 left before the Nets got within 68-64 by halftime on Harden’s floater with 26 seconds left.
Dallas pulled away in a span of 6:20 during the third, going on a run to extend the lead to 91-76 on a basket by Hardaway with 3:17 remaining.
After the Mavericks took a 94-82 lead into the fourth, they finished it off when Finney-Smith’s layup made it 106-84 with 7:37 to play.
Outside the house, newly superpowered SWORD agent Monica Rambeau (Teyonah Parris) was confronted by Pietro Maximoff (Evan Peters), who's seemingly been under Agatha's control since arriving from the X-Men universe. Also, astrophysicist Darcy Lewis (Kat Dennings) filled in Wanda's husband, Vision (Paul Bettany), on the past he'd forgotten, and he's on his way home.
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I didn't think this show was that complicated, but it kinda is. We're up to the penultimate episode, and it's called Previously On. Time for dem SPOILERS.
The Scarlet Witch
This whole episode is basically Agatha trying to figure out exactly what Wanda is, since her power is off the charts. After running through pivotal moments in the Avenger's past and acting as a pretty mean therapist, Agatha realizes she's wielding Chaos magic and is capable of "spontaneous creation," before uttering the thing we wanted to hear.
"And that makes you the Scarlet Witch."
This isn't a name we've heard previously in the MCU, but it's been her code name since her first appearance in X-Men No. 4 in 1964.
Given what we saw earlier in the episode, it seems like Wanda had some latent ability to tap into this magic and it was enhanced by the Mind Stone. Agatha presumably wants to control this power, but to what end?
Agatha also has Wanda's magically created kids Billy and Tommy on creepy magic leashes, which really isn't OK.
The doppelganger
In a midcredits scene, it's revealed that acting SWORD director Tyler Hayward (Josh Stamberg) had Vision's body all along. He couldn't reactivate the synthezoid (who was made with stupidly valuable Wakandan vibranium), but used a drone to absorb the chaos energy surrounding Westview. Since that energy was derived from the Mind Stone that originally brought Vision to life, it gets the body back online.
The Vision we've been seeing in Westview has actually been a magical construct, created by Wanda.
Agatha's past
The episode's initial flashback brings us back to Salem, Massachusetts, in 1693 (the real-life Salem witch trials happened in 1692-93), when Agatha's coven accuses her of tapping into forbidden dark magic.
"I did not break your rules. They simply bent to my power," she replies, awesomely.
Led by Agatha's mother, Evanora (Kate Forbes), the coven prepares to end her. She turns their power on them, reducing all the witches to desiccated husks. Agatha also takes her mom's broach, which we've seen her wearing in most of the previous episodes.
Much as I've grown tired of characters blasting each other with energy beams and lasers in superhero movies, the blue energy Agatha turns back on her coven seems significant. Her magic manifests itself as purple energy -- a combination of red and blue. Since Wanda's Chaos magic is red, it seems likely this was the forbidden power Agatha got in trouble for using -- she just couldn't use it at the same level as Wanda.
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Agatha says fake Pietro (Evan Peters) wasn't "literally" her, she was just possessing him. She also notes that it wasn't necromancy, so it wasn't the original MCU Pietro's body with a new face.
It's still unclear if Fietro is actually the one from the X-Men universe. In the comics, Wanda's status as a Nexus Being -- someone whose power can affect probability and change the flow of time -- means she can touch other realities. If that's the case with MCU Wanda, she could have pulled Pietro over from the Fox X-Men reality (where he was called Peter).
Also in the comics, Nexus Beings are monitored by the Time Variance Authority, a group that'll show up in the upcoming Loki show and perhaps in next week's WandaVision season finale.
The Maximoffs at home
We meet Wanda and Pietro's parents, Iryna and Olek (Ilana Kohanchi and Daniyar), in their Sokovian home. And we know the kids are 10, so this happened in 1999. Their TV night -- The Dick Van Dyke Show, season 2, episode 21 -- looks pretty nice, but there's a horrifying war raging outside, and the sense of inevitability is palpable.
The parents are killed in an explosion, an incident referenced in Avengers: Age of Ultron and the commercial in episode 2. The twins are trapped under the rubble, staring at a beeping, unexploded Stark Industries shell. The young Wanda mutters about it being a "bad dream" and reaches out.
Agatha reckons she used a probability hex to stop the detonation, which seems like Wanda's first use of magic.
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Hail Hydra
We see Wanda as a volunteer test subject for Hydra, and enters a room containing Loki's scepter (which Hydra sneakily got hold of after the first Avengers movie, a moment revisited in Avengers: Endgame) The Mind Stone -- one the six Infinity Stones that Thanos will later use to wipe out half of all life -- extracts itself from the scepter in her presence.
She gets a vision of her comic book costume, but it's unclear if this has any significance in the MCU. We saw her in a similar outfit in the Halloween episode and she said it was a Sokovian fortune teller, but she could have been subconsciously recalling this moment.
Wild thought: What if Wanda was actually seeing her comic book counterpart? As a Nexus being, it's possible that comics Wanda could reach out to her MCU self.
We previously thought contact with the Mind Stone gave her and Pietro their powers, but Agatha reckons it awoke or supercharged her latent abilities.
As if Wanda is some kind of mutant.
When the Hydra scientists try to play back the security recording to see what happened after Wanda touched the stone, they find that moment missing, like when the Westview broadcast was cut.
The Vision effect
We jump to a moment with Vision in the Avengers compound in the period following Age of Ultron, when Wanda is mourning Pietro's death. Vision acknowledges that he's never felt loss like she has, but reveals the depth of his empathy.
"But what is grief, if not love persevering?" he asks.
Excuse me, I have something in my eye. This is clearly another major high on Wanda's emotional rollercoaster, and Thanos would later bring her low by killing Vision in Avengers: Infinity War.
Hayward's machinations
We previously thought Wanda broke into SWORD headquarters, stole Vision's corpse and defied his wishes by resurrecting him. The flashback reveals that Hayward initially exposed Wanda to the shocking sight of his engineers dismantling Vision. He then suggested Wanda bring him back to life, but she refused and just left -- no thievery or resurrection to be had.
Hayward's sympathy routine is also pretty similar to one he used on Monica before sending her to Westview, because he's a manipulative jerk.
Westview gets a refresh
Wanda's clearly feeling pretty low after visiting the SWORD facility, and she drives to Westview. It's our first time seeing the New Jersey town before she sitcom'd it up, and it's a sad place with closed businesses and amenities falling into disrepair -- this could reveal the economic impact of the Blip.
She visits a plot of land (2800 Sherwood Drive) with the foundations of a house, and a deed reveals she and Vision planned to start a life together here -- a plan ruined by Thanos.
"To grow old in," reads the cute note, signed "V."
Overwhelmed by grief, she remakes the town as a '50s sitcom and Vision is reborn from her magical energy. From the midcredits scene, it seems like Wanda played right into Hayward's hands.
Sitcom heaven
In the case you're wondering what the other options for TV night were, the box of DVDs includes Who's the Boss?, The Addams Family, I Love Lucy, Bewitched, I Dream of Jeannie and Malcolm in the Middle.
However, Malcolm in the Middle didn't air until Jan. 9, 2000, and the first DVD box set didn't come out until 2002, so the Maximoffs couldn't have had it in 1999. This suggests the timing was a little different in the MCU, or that Wanda's memory is a little unreliable (probably the latter, since she previously misremembered when The Parent Trap and The Incredibles came out).
Later, in Wanda's Hydra containment cell, she's watching The Brady Bunch. It seems to be season 1, episode 7, in which Cindy Brady treats her doll like a real baby and it goes missing. Which seems to mirror what happened with Billy and Tommy.
Observations and WTF questions
The purple Marvel Studios logo is super cool.
"Only the witch who cast the runes can use her magic." This seems like the kind of line we'll get a callback to later. Maybe Wanda will turn the tables on Agatha?
And it turns out the people in the commercials weren't Wanda's parents after all. So who are they?!
This was the episode without the "Please Stand By" message in the credits.
Join us for more Easter eggs and observations next Friday, when episode 9 of WandaVision hits Disney Plus. It's the season finale, so expect Westview to get leveled by colored beams of energy or something.
CNET's Caitlin Petrakovitz contributed to this recap.